John O'Sullivan

John O'Sullivan


In the few hours since I sent in the piece below, a remarkable succession of events has occurred that paint the decision of the UK authorities in ever-bleaker colors.


In calling for a special election, she risks a sure term of three years for the chance of five years and a more united post-Brexit Britain.


Because no one has yet died as a result of the bombing on the London Underground at Parsons Green — though 22 unlucky people have received serious injuries — we may be inclined to regard the attack as another jihadist failure.


Every day seems to produce another item in Theresa May’s continuing betrayal of her promises on Brexit and the referendum.


Britain’s long-running crisis-cum-soap-opera over Brexit may be reaching its denouement today at Chequers, the prime minister’s country house, where the full cabinet is locked in a final debate on whether or not to accept Theresa May’s proposed terms for leaving the European Union.


In the late Fall of 1988, shortly before Ronald Reagan left office, I was a dinner guest at the home of a distinguished Nixonian.


Three great social forces are now colliding in the politics of the English-speaking world: industrial and technical progress, a rising tide of environmental regulation, and democratic government.


Sunday night’s instant conventional wisdom on the German election results was that Chancellor Merkel had been “wounded” but had nonetheless won a substantial victory and was safe for the next four years.


A lackluster Brexit deal could spell doom for the British prime minister, but by staying tough she can emerge stronger.


Britain’s current political crisis over Theresa May’s attempt, endorsed by the cabinet at Chequers, to redefine the meaning of Brexit so that it requires the U.K. to remain inside the functional equivalents of the EU single market, the EU customs union, and the remit of the European Court of Justice is plainly a complicated exercise in deceit.


Today’s deal between the Tories and the Democratic Unionists is one more sign that at least a limited normalcy is returning and that the Tory administration is likely to remain in office for several years, possibly for a full parliamentary term of five years — as argued in yesterday’s column.


Writing in the Washington Post, Derek T. Muller, an associate law professor at Pepperdine University, offers the following solution to the nation’s pressing problem that American voters may elect Donald Trump as president next November:


Mark Carney leaves his job as Governor of the Bank of England in March, stepping easily into several new positions: notably, U.N. Special Envoy for Climate Action and Finance and special advisor to the British Prime Minister for the Glasgow COP26 conference on climate change in November.


In Britain, they have admitted the existence of "the establishment" ever since journalist Henry Fairlie coined the term in the mid-fifties.


Two news stories that I ran across while researching my recent column on the Latino vote rang a faint bell in my mind. It didn’t hurt that each story reinforced the other.


Later today, a conference on “Democracy in Crisis” will be held by the American Enterprise Institute jointly with Freedom House and the Center for American Progress at which Senator Ben Sasse will deliver the keynote address.


Those who found Trump monstrous were shocked by his impressive speech. Then they returned to form.


One of my favorite quotations is the alleged last words of the Emperor Maximilian of Mexico who, just before he went before the firing squad, said to his Hungarian chef: “You thought it would never come to this.


Boris Johnson returned today to politics today after a life-and-death battle with the coronavirus and a convalescence lasting three weeks at Chequers.


‘Ghost trains,’ Hungary’s emergency law, face masks and social distancing, restaurants’ pivot to takeout and delivery.


A British film about the referendum portrays brilliantly the political currents that shocked the U.K.’s ruling class.


What with the brutal suppression of student riots in Hong Kong, the beatings and imprisonment of anti-Mullah demonstrators in Iran, Iraq, and Lebanon, the imprisonment and execution of Christian converts or those accused of blasphemy in countries like Pakistan and Afghanistan.


The Tories have run a solid campaign so far, while Labour has stumbled.


In 1985 in New York I was asked, well told really, “Why don’t you go back where you came from?” by the distinguished historian and chronicler of the Kennedys, Arthur Schlesinger Jr.


NATIONAL REVIEW has lost a lot of good friends and contributors — the words are largely coterminous — to the Grim Reaper in the last few years, but the death of Mike Potemra is especially painful because it was both unexpected and sudden.


Charles Moore today ends his weekly Telegraph column, which has become required reading for both supporters and opponents of Brexit, with a gloomy forecast that the only way of saving Brexit from its betrayal by a Tory prime minister and government is her replacement by a new leader who then reforms the Tory party along lines that would allow local Tory associations to deselect Remain MPs and replace them with Leavers. His final paragraph reads:


The relationship between Gosnell and the Democratic reaction to the SoTU; musings on priority plane tickets; and thoughts on Melania Trump and women’s magazines


In the latest thrilling parliamentary episode of Brexit, the hopes and expectations of, among other Remainers, House of Commons speaker John Bercow were largely disappointed, and the hopes of Brexiteers began to rise again. That was not supposed to happen.


National Review Institute has been spreading Bill Buckley’s message since 1991, and its antecedents go back decades further.


Only hours after you read this, the Tories will have decided whether or not to ditch Theresa May as Tory leader and thus as prime minister.